The $5.2 billion S-400 air defence system deal contravenes American legislature that prohibits any country from signing defence deals with Russia. In August 2017, the United States enacted Section 231 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)…
India’s $5.2 billion S-400 air defence system deal contravenes American legislature that prohibits any country from signing defence deals with Russia.
Background
In August 2017, the United States enacted Section 231 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). The Act grants the American government the power to impose sanctions against any state, individual, or business entity that engages in significant transactions with the defence or intelligence sectors of the Government of the Russian Federation.
On October 5, 2018, India and Russia formally signed a multi-billion-dollar defence deal: $5.2-billion for five regiments of the S-400 air-defence shield, $2.2-billion to procure four new warships for the Navy, and $1.1-billion for new medium-lift helicopters to be used by both the defence and home ministries. India went ahead with the agreement in spite of warnings from the Trump administration that purchasing major military equipment like the missile system from Russia would be considered a “significant transaction” and could result in tough US sanctions.
Analysis
The S-400 is essential to India’s defence because of the shortage of squadrons that the Air Force faces. Ageing Russian aircraft have depleted India’s squadron strength to 31. In the event of war with China and Pakistan, India would need at least 42 squadrons.
The S-400 Triumf is an advanced surface-to-air missile system and can shoot down hostile aircraft and ballistic missiles. It has an estimated range of 250 kilometres that could be extended to 400 kilometres. The S-400 battery has four missile vehicles that can carry and launch missiles. Each one contains four launch tubes. The system also includes a fire control radar and a command post, enabling it to fire surface-to-air missiles and eliminate any incoming missile or adversary, creating an air defence shield.
The system was developed by Russia’s state-owned company Almaz-Antey. The Obama administration imposed sanctions on Almaz-Antey in 2014, in response to the Russian annexation of Crimea. Regardless, Russia is actively offering the S-400 to Algeria, Belarus, Iran and Vietnam, significantly reducing the American sphere of influence. NATO member Turkey has also started negotiations.
Many believe that the acquisition of the S-400 is a red line the US doesn’t want Turkey to cross. This could be on account of the missile defence system’s reported ability to take down American stealth fighter jets including the F-35. If Turkey were to acquire the S-400 along with the American F-35, which it has already ordered from the US, then the exact nature of the F-35’s weakness would be apparent to them, information that could wind up in Russia.
The United States response to the deal has been guarded: at the 2+2 Dialogue in New Delhi in September, U.S. Defence Secretary James Mattis emphasised that the sanctions aren’t intended to adversely impact countries like India. “They are intended to have an impact the sanctioned country, which is Russia.” This statement was reiterated by the US Embassy spokesperson after the signing of the S-400 deal, who said, “The intent of our implementation of CAATSA is to impose costs on Russia for its malign behaviour, including by stopping the flow of money to Russia’s defence sector. CAATSA is not intended to impose damage to the military capabilities of our allies or partners.”
New Delhi presumably went ahead with the deal in the hopes of receiving a waiver that the American President is authorised to give. In response to queries, the Embassy spokesperson responded that “the waiver authority is not for a blanket waiver. It is transaction-specific. There are strict criteria for considering a waiver.” Administration representatives felt it was too soon to prejudge any sanction decisions.
Assessment
Our assessment is that it is necessary for India to look after its strategic interests. We believe that in the light of a shortage of air force squadrons, acquiring an air defence missile defence system was a vital need for the country’s national security. We also feel the government was well advised to make efforts to maintain cordial relations with its long-standing partner, the Russian Federation, as well as the new ally it has found in the United States.
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